社会心理学（英文影印第7版）

When we began writing this book, our overriding goal was tocapture the excitement of social psychology. We have been pleasedto hear, in many kind letters and e-mail messages from professorsand students, that we succeeded. One of our favorites was from astudent who said that the book was so interesting that she alwayssaved it for last, to reward herself for finishing her otherwork.With that one student, at least, we succeeded in making ourbook an enjoyable,  fascinating story, not a dry report offacts and figures.
There is always room for improvement, however, and our goal inthis, the seventh edition, is to make the field of socialpsychology an even better read. When we teach the course, there isnothing more gratifying than seeing the sleepy students in the backrow sit up with interest and say, “Wow, I didn’t know that!Nowthat’s interesting.” We hope that students who read our book willhave that very same reaction.
What’s New in This Edition?
We are pleased to add two new features to this edition that webelieve will appeal greatly to students. The first being the,“Critical Thinking: How Could You Use This?” feature. In Chapter 9,for example, we point out to students that sooner or later theywill be part of a group that needs to make an important decision,and invite them to think about how they might use conceptsfrom
the chapter to ensure that the group makes the best decision itcan. The purpose of this feature is to encourage students to thinkcritically about the material and apply it to their ownlives.
In addition, we added sample test questions at the end of eachchapter.Both of these new features, we believe, will be ofsubstantial help in teaching students how to approach the materialpresented in the book.
In addition to adding these new features we have updated theseventh edition substantially with numerous references to newresearch. Here is a sampling of the new research that iscovered:
?A brand new section at the end of each chapter called, “CriticalThinking: How Could You Use This?” We pose questions to studentsabout their everyday lives—ones that they should find interestingand intriguing—and ask them to address the questions using one ormore of the major concepts from the chapter. The purpose of thisfeature is to encourage students to think critically about thematerial and apply it to their own lives.
?Also new to this edition are end of chapter sample test questionsthat are designed to communicate how to study and learn thematerial. These questions, which are mostly from our own testfiles, are critical-thinking type questions that are designed toencourage students to understand social psychological concepts andapply them to new situations, rather than viewing the material as aset of facts to be memorized.
?Chapter 2, “Methodology: How Social Psychologists Do Research”includes a new section entitled, “New Frontiers in SocialPsychological Research.” This section discusses new methods andapproaches that social psychologists have adopted in recent years,including cross-cultural research, evolutionary psychology, andsocial neuroscience.
?Chapter 3, “Social Cognition: How We Think about the SocialWorld,” has been updated with over 40 references to recentresearch.We added a major new section entitled “CulturalDifferences in Social Cognition” that discusses cultural influenceson schemas and recent research
on holistic versus analytic thinking in different cultures.
?In Chapter 4, “Social Perception: How We Come to Understand OtherPeople,” we have updated the section on nonverbalcommunication,discussing several recent studies that address theevolutionary significance of facial expressions of emotion (forexample, the work on pride and shame by Tracy & Matsumoto,2008). We have revised and updated the section on attribution andculture. We begin this section with holistic versus analyticthinking, discussing the research of Masuda and colleagues(2008).We continue with studies that have used a social neurosciencemethodology to study cultural differences in attribution,discussing the work of Hedden and colleagues (2008) and Lewis andcolleagues (2008). In the area of attributional biases, we includenew research on how perceptual saliency affects the correspondencebias in police interrogations and new research on culturaldifferences in the self-serving bias.
?Chapter 5 has been reorganized and renamed, “The Self:Understanding Ourselves in a Social Context,” to reflect the factthat it is includes a broad coverage of research on the self andnot just self-knowledge. Reflecting the broader coverage ofresearch on the self, there is a new major heading called,“Self-Control: The Executive Function Of The Self” that discussesrecent research on self-regulation. There is also increasedcoverage of cultural differences in the self.
?In Chapter 6, “The Need to Justify Our Actions,” we have sharpenedand updated our coverage of self-justification and included somenew research on cultural differences. We have also included somerecent research showing cognitive dissonance in monkeys. We havealso expanded our coverage of research by Harmon-Jones showingdifferences in brain activity during the experi- ence of dissonanceand dissonance reduction.
?Chapter 7, “Attitudes and Attitude Change: Influencing Thoughtsand Feelings,” includes over 50 references to recent research.There is an expanded discussion of implicit attitudes, includingrecent research on the origins of implicit attitudes. We added anew section with the heading “Confidence in One’s Thoughts andAttitude Change” that discusses recent research by Petty and Brinoland colleagues. Finally, we revised substantially the section onsubliminal advertising, with new research examples, and added asection on the effects of the media on attitudes toward weight inmen and women.
?Chapter 8, “Conformity: Influencing Behavior,” includes over 45new references to recent research. The opening vignette (theMcDonald’s hoax )has been updated to reflect the recent conclusionof the suspect’s criminal trial. We have substantially revised thesection on injunctive and descriptive norms, including discussionof the “boomerang effect.” We discuss new research on the use ofinformational conformity to change people’s behavior. The sectionon body image and conformity has also been updated with recentresearch. A major new section has been added, “The ObedienceStudies, Then and Now,” which discusses the startling results ofJerry Burger’s (2009) research, the first replication of theMilgram obedience study in the United States in 30 years. Thissection has also been expanded to include a discussion of theethical issues surrounding the obedience studies.
?Chapter 9, “Group Processes: Influence in Social Groups” has a newopening vignette that discusses President George W. Bush’s decisionto initiate the Iraq War. Later in the chapter we return to thisexample (in a “Connections” feature) that discusses whether thedecision to invade Iraq was the result of group-think, based onrecent books by Bob Woodward, Scott McClelland, and others. Thesection on “Why People Join Groups” has been revised to includeresearch on social rejection and social identity, and the sectionon gender and leadership is updated with a discussion of recentresearch on the “glass cliff.”
?Chapter 10, “Interpersonal Attraction: From First Impressions toClose Relationships,” includes over 50 new references to recentresearch. The section on evolution and love has been substantiallyrevised. For example, recent research by Johnston and colleagues(2001) and Gangestad and colleagues (2007) is presented, whichfocuses on how the menstrual/ovulatory cycle affects women’sperceptions of male attractiveness. A second major addition is tothe attachment styles section, which focuses on the geneticcontribution to attachment styles, and discusses the recent work ofGillath and colleagues (2008) and Donnellan and colleagues (2008).Additional new material and revisions occur throughout the chapter,for example, in the sections on propinquity, similarity, facialattractiveness, assumptions about attractive people, and culturaldefinitions of love.
?Chapter 11, “Prosocial Behavior: Why Do People Help?” features twonew Try It! exercises. This popular feature makes concepts fromsocial psychology concrete and helps you see how they can beapplied to your own life. Also, discussions of group selection,what causes people to feel empathy, and research on religion andprosocial behavior have been added.
?In Chapter 12, “Aggression: Why We Hurt Other People,” we haveadded comments on Craig Anderson’s recent study (2009) on thepossible effects of global warming on aggression. We have alsodiscussed Bushman’s (2007) research on scriptural violence andaggressive behavior. We have also included some recent research onbuilding empathy as a way of curbing aggression.
?In Chapter 13, “Prejudice: Causes and Cures,” one of the majoradditions is on the election of an African American to thepresidency. It has produced what one social psychologist has dubbedthe Obama effect. Shortly after the election of Barack Obama,researchers were able to show two consequences of that election.Plant and colleagues (2009) showed a decrease in prejudice againstAfrican Americans; Dillon (2009) showed an apparent decrease instereotype threat among African American test takers.
?Social Psychology in Action 1, “Making a Difference with SocialPsychology: Attaining a Sustainable Future,” was new to theprevious edition. We believe it was a timely addition, givencurrent interest in global warming and other environmental issues,as well as the more general question of how social psychology canbe used to address important social problems. We updated thechapter in this edition with a discussion of recent research,including studies by Goldstein, Cialdini, and Griskevicius (2008)on getting hotel guests to reuse their towels, research by Graham,Koo, and Wilson (in press) on how to get college students toconserve energy by driving less, and a study by Holland, Aarts, andLangendam (2006) on getting people to recycle more. Finally, in thesection, “What Makes People Happy?” we added a description of astudy by Dunn, Aknin, and Norton (2008) showing that helping othersmakes people happy.
?Social Psychology in Action 2: “Social Psychology and Health”includes a new opening vignette, namely a true story about a womanwho showed remarkable resilience after losing 12 family members ina four-year period. The section on social support is completelyrevised, including the addition of recent reseach by Shelley Taylorand colleagues on cultural differences in social support andresearch by Niall Bolger and colleagues on visible versus invisiblesocial support.
?Social Psychology in Action 3: “Social Psychology and the Law” hasbeen updated considerably. For example, the section on line-ups andhow to improve them is updated with an example of recent researchby Gary Wells, research on individual differences in detecting liesby Bond and DePaulo (2008), and a study on recovered memories byGeraerts and colleagues (2007).
Social psychology comes alive for students when they understand thewhole context of the field: how theories inspire research, whyresearch is performed as it is, how further research triggers yetnew avenues of study. We have tried to convey our own fascinationwith the research process in a down-to-earth, meaningful way andhave presented the results of the scientific process in terms ofthe everyday experience of the reader; however, we did not want to“water down” our presentation of the field. In a world where humanbehavior can be endlessly surprising and where research results canbe quite counterintuitive, students need a firm foundation on whichto build their understanding of this challenging discipline.
The main way we try to engage students is with a storytellingapproach. Social psychology is full of good stories, such as howthe Holocaust inspired investigations into obedience to authorityand how reactions to the marriage of the crown prince of Japan toMasako Owada, a career diplomat, illustrates cultural differencesin the self-concept.By placing research in a real-world context, wemake the material more familiar, understandable, and memorable.Each chapter begins with a real-life vignette that illustrates theconcepts to come. We refer to this event at several points in thechapter, clarifying to students the relevance of the material theyare learning. Examples of the pening vignettes include the tragicdeath of Amadou Diallo, who was shot 41 times by four white policeofficers, as he reached for his wallet in the vestibule of his NewYork apartment building (Chapter 3, “Social Cognition: How We Thinkabout the Social World”), and some amazing acts of altruism at thesites of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 (Chapter 11,“Prosocial Behavior: Why do People Help?”).
We also weave “mini-stories” into each chapter that both illustratespecific concepts and bring the material to life. For each one, wefirst describe an example of a real-life phenomenon that isdesigned to pique students’ interest. These stories are taken fromcurrent events, literature, and our own lives. Next, we describe anexperiment that attempts to explain the phenomenon. This experimentis typically described in some detail because we believe thatstudents should not only learn the major theories in socialpsychology, but also understand and appreciate the methods used totest those theories. For example, in Chapter 4 on socialperception, we introduce the correspondence bias by discussingpublic reaction to an event celebrating Rosa Parks’s courageous refusal in 1955 to move to the back of the bus insegregationist Montgomery, Alabama. In 2005, at the time of herdeath, transit companies across America posted signs in their citybuses, asking people to leave the seat behind the driver empty forthe day, in tribute to her. Despite the sign, some people sat inthe seat anyway. A journalist, traveling on New York City buses,asked other riders what they thought of these “sitters.” Verynegative internal attributions were made about them (e.g., thatthey were disrespectful, contemptuous or even racist). In fact, theexplanation for their behavior was typically situational, that is,something external to them as a person. They hadn’t seen the sign,which was small in size and lost in the visual clutter of othersigns in the bus, and therefore didn’t know that they weren’tsupposed to sit in that seat. We invite you to thumb through thebook to find examples of these mini-stories.
Last but not least, we discuss the methods used by socialpsychologists in some detail. How can “boring” details aboutmethodology be part of a storytelling approach, you might ask? Webelieve that part of what makes the story of social psycyhology sointeresting is explaining to students how to test hypothesesscientifically. In recent years, the trend has been for textbooksto include only short sections on research methodology and provideonly brief descriptions of the findings of individual studies. Inthis book, we integrate the science and methodology of the fieldinto our story in several ways. First, we devote an entire chapterto methodology (Chapter 2). We use our storytelling approach bypresenting two compelling real-world problems related to violenceand aggression: Does pornography promote violence against women?Why don’t bystanders intervene more to help victims of violence? Wethen use actual research studies on these questions to illustratethe three major scientific methods (observational research,correlational research, and experimental research). Rather than adry recitation of methodological principles, the scientific methodunfolds like a story with a “hook” (what are the causes ofreal-world aggression and apathy toward violence?) and a moral(such interesting, real-world questions can be addressedscientifically). We have been pleased by the positive reactions tothis chapter in the previous editions.
Second, we describe prototypical studies in more detail than mosttexts. We discuss how a study was set up, what the researchparticipants perceived and did, how the research design derivesfrom theoretical issues, and the ways in which the findings supportthe initial hypotheses. We often ask readers to pretend that theywere participants so they can better understand the study from theparticipants’ point of view. Whenever pertinent, we’ve alsoincluded anecdotal information about how a study was done or cameto be; these brief stories allow readers insights into theheretofore hidden world of creating research. See, for example, thedescription of how Nisbett and Wilson (1977) designed one of theirexperiments on the accuracy of people’s causal inferences inChapter 5 and the description of the origins of Aronson’s jigsawpuzzle technique in Chapter 13.
Finally, we include a balanced coverage of classic and modernresearch. The field of social psychology is expanding rapidly, andexciting new work is being done in all areas of the discipline. Inthis seventh edition, we have added a great deal of new material,describing dozens of major studies done within the past few years.We have added hundreds of references from the past few years. Thusthe book provides thorough coverage of up-to-date, cutting-edgeresearch. But by emphasizing what is new, some texts have atendency to ignore what is old.We have tried to strike a balancebetween the latest research findings and classic research in socialpsychology. Some older studies (e.g., early work in dissonance,conformity, and attribution) deserve their status as classics andare important cornerstones of the discipline. For example, unlikeseveral other current texts, we present detailed descriptions ofthe Schachter and Singer (1962) study on misattribution of emotion(Chapter 5), the Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) dissonance study(Chapter 6), and the Asch (1956), and Sherif (1936) conformitystudies (Chapter 8). We then bring up the older theories to date,following our discussions of the classics with modern approaches tothe same topics. This allows students to experience the continuityand depth of the field, rather than regarding it as a collection ofstudies published in the past few years.
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About the Authors 关于作者
Elliot Aronson

When I was a kid, we were the only Jewish family in a virulentlyanti-Semitic neighborhood. I had to go to Hebrew school every day,late in the afternoon. Being the only youngster in my neighborhoodgoing to Hebrew school made me an easy target for some of the olderneighborhood toughs. On my way home from Hebrew school, afterdark,I was frequently waylaid and roughed up by roving gangsshouting anti-Semitic epithets.
I have a vivid memory of sitting on a curb after one of thesebeatings, nursing a bloody nose or a split lip, feeling very sorryfor myself and wondering how these kids could hate me so much whenthey didn’t even know me. I thought about whether those kids weretaught to hate Jews or whether, somehow, they were born that way. Iwondered if their hatred could be changed—if they got to know mebetter, would they hate me less? I speculated about my owncharacter. What would I have done if the shoe were on the otherfoot—that is, if I were bigger and stronger than they—would I becapable of beating them up for no good reason?
I didn’t realize it at the time, of course, but eventually Idiscovered that these were profound questions. And some thirtyyears later, as an experimental social psychologist, I had thegreat good fortune to be in a position to answer some of thosequestions and to invent techniques to reduce the kind of prejudicethat had claimed me as a victim.
Elliot Aronson is one of the most renowned social psychologists inthe world. In 2002 he was chosen as one of the 100 most eminentpsychologists of the twentieth century. He is currently ProfessorEmeritus at the University of California at Santa Cruz andDistinguished Visiting Professor at Stanford University.
Dr. Aronson is the only person in the 110-year history of theAmerican Psychological Association to have received all three ofits major awards:for distinguished writing, distinguished teaching,and distinguished research. Many other professional societies havehonored his research and teaching as well. These include theAmerican Association for the Advancement of Science, which gave himits highest honor, the Distinguished Scientific Research award; theAmerican Council for the Advancement and Support of Education,which named him Professor of the Year of 1989; and the Society forthe Psychological Study of Social Issues, which awarded him theGordon Allport prize for his contributions to the reduction ofprejudice among racial and ethnic groups. In 1992, he was named aFellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He has servedas president of the Western Psychological Association as well aspresident of the Society of Personality and SocialPsychology.
Tim Wilson
One day, when I was 8, a couple of older kids rode up on theirbikes to share some big news: They had discovered an abandonedhouse down a country road. “It’s really neat,” they said. “We brokea window and nobody cared!” My friend and I hopped onto our bikesto investigate. We had no trouble finding the house—there it was,sitting off by itself,with a big, jagged hole in a first-floorwindow. We got off of our bikes and looked around. My friend founda baseball-sized rock lying on the ground and threw a perfectstrike through another first-floor window. There was somethingexhilarating about the smash-and-tingle of shattering glass,especially when we knew there was nothing wrong with what we weredoing. After all, the house was abandoned, wasn’t it? We brokenearly every window in the house and then climbed through one ofthe first-floor windows to look around.
It was then that we realized something was terribly wrong. Thehouse certainly did not look abandoned. There were pictures on thewall, nice furniture, books in shelves. We went home feelingfrightened and confused. We soon learned that the house was theresidence of an elderly couple who were away on vacation.Eventually my parents discovered what we had done and paid asubstantial sum to repair the windows. For years, I pondered thisincident: Why did I do such a terrible thing? Was I a bad kid? Ididn’t think so, and neither did my parents. How, then, could agood kid do such a bad thing? Even though the neighborhood kidssaid the house was abandoned, why couldn’t my friend and I see theclear signs that someone lived there? How crucial was it that myfriend was there and threw the first rock? Although I didn’t knowit at the time, these reflections touched on several classic socialpsychological issues, such as whether only bad people do badthings, whether the social situation can be powerful enough to makegood people do bad things, and the way in which our expectationsabout an event can make it difficult to see it as it really is.Fortunately, my career as a vandal ended with this one incident. Itdid, however, mark the beginning of my fascination with basicquestions about how people understand themselves and the socialworld—questions I continue to investigate to this day.
Tim Wilson did his undergraduate work at Williams College andHampshire College and received his Ph. D. from the University ofMichigan. Currently Sherrell J. Aston Professor of Psychology atthe University of Virginia, he has published numerous articles inthe areas of introspection, attitude change, self-knowledge, andaffective forecasting, as well as the recent book, Strangers toOurselves: Discovering the Adaptive Unconscious. His research hasreceived the support of the National Science Foundation and theNational Institute for Mental Health. He has been associate editorof the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology and a member ofthe Social and Groups Processes Review Committee at the NationalInstitute of Mental Health. He has been elected twice to theExecutive Board of the Society for Experimental Social Psychologyand is a Fellow in the American Psychological Society and theSociety for Personality and Social Psychology. In 2009, he wasnamed a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Wilsonhas taught the Introduction to Social Psychology course at theUniversity of Virginia for more than twenty years. In 2001 he wasawarded an All University Outstanding Teaching Award.
Robin Akert
One fall day, when I was about 16, I was walking with a friendalong the shore of the San Francisco Bay. Deep in conversation, Iglanced over my shoulder and saw a sailboat capsize. I pointed itout to my friend, who took only a perfunctory interest and went ontalking. However, I kept watching as we walked, and I realized thatthe two sailors were in the water, clinging to the capsized boat.Again I said something to my friend, who replied, “Oh, they’ll getit upright, don’t worry.”
But I was worried. Was this an emergency? My friend didn’t thinkso. And I was no sailor; I knew nothing about boats. But I keptthinking, “That water is really cold. They can’t stay in that watertoo long.” I remember feeling very confused and unsure. What shouldI do? Should I do anything? Did they really need help?
We were near a restaurant with a big window overlooking the bay,and I decided to go in and see if anyone had done anything aboutthe boat. Lots of people were watching but not doing anything. Thisconfused me too. Very meekly, I asked the bartender to call forsome kind of help. He just shrugged. I went back to the window andwatched the two small figures in the water. Why was everyone sounconcerned? Was I crazy?
Years later, I reflected on how hard it was for me to do what I didnext: I demanded that the bartender let me use his phone. In thosedays before “911,” it was lucky that I knew there was a Coast Guardstation on the bay, and I asked the operator for the number. I wasrelieved to hear the Guardsman take my message veryseriously.
It had been an emergency. I watched as the Coast Guard cutter spedacross the bay and pulled the two sailors out of the water. Maybe Isaved their lives that day. What really stuck with me over theyears was how other people behaved and how it made me feel. Theother bystanders seemed unconcerned and did nothing to help. Theirreactions made me doubt myself and made it harder for me to decideto take action. When I later studied social psychology in college,I realized that on the shore of the San Francisco Bay that day, Ihad experienced the “bystander effect” fully: The presence ofother, apparently unconcerned bystanders had made it difficult forme to decide if the situation was an emergency and whether it wasmy responsibility to help.
Robin Akert graduated summa cum laude from the University ofCalifornia at Santa Cruz, where she majored in psychology andsociology. She received her Ph. D. in experimental socialpsychology from Princeton University. She is currently a Professorof psychology at Wellesley College, where she was awarded thePinanski Prize for Excellence  in Teaching early in hercareer. She publishes primarily in the area of nonverbalcommunication and recently received the AAUW American Fellowship insupport of her research. She has taught the Social Psychologycourse at Wellesley College for nearly thirty years.

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