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开 本: 16开纸 张: 胶版纸包 装: 平装-胶订是否套装: 否国际标准书号ISBN: 9787520106337
Abstract／3
Introduction／1
Chapter
Ⅰ The origin of the police in the French Concession／21
1 The legal bases of
the police in the French Concession／21
2 Special geography of jurisdictions
in Shanghai／40
3 Urbanisation and new challenges for the
police／48
4 The network of the French Colonial Empire／55
Chapter
Ⅱ Organisation of the police／61
1 Control of the police by the French
Consul／61
2 Militarisation and professionalisation of the
police／70
3 Organisations and functions of the police in the
1930s／102
4 Police costs and revenue／106
Chapter Ⅲ The police force in
the French Concession／113
1 A multinational police
force／11
2 Standards of recruitment／124
3 Training and the courses to
become a policeman／136
4 Salariesandwelfarebenefits／140
5 Job
stability and career／171
6 A day in the life of a policeman in
Shanghai／191
Chapter Ⅳ Police and politics: A history of the political
section of the police／195
1 Organisation of the Political Section and its
functions／195
2 The Guomindang and the Chinese communists in the French
Concession／207
3 The Japanese factor／223
General
Conclusion／236
Tables
Table 1.1 Population growth in the three
areas of Shanghai, 1865–1937／49
Table 1.2 Population in Shanghai’s French
Concession, 1865–1936／50
Table 1.3 Statistics of male and female population
in Shanghai’s French Concession, 1910–36／51
Table 1.4 Statistics of reported
rape in the French Concession／55
Table 2.1 A list of the disputes between the
French Consul and the MAC, after which the MAC
was
dissolved／62
Table 2.2a International Settlement of Shanghai／73
Table
2.2b French Concession of Shanghai／74
Table 2.3 Comparison of salaries in
1907 and 1908／75
Table 2.4 Proposed housing conditions for European
policemen／76
Table 2.5 Cards established by the French police and SMP,
1911–13／77
Table 2.6 Numbers of Chinese and European policemen,
1913–19／78
Table 2.7 Criminal gangs arrested from 1920 to 1927／85
Table
2.8 Statistics of theft, kidnapping and armed robbery in the French Concession
of
Shanghai／85
Table 2.9 Police budge within the Municipal budget,
1911–37／107
Table 2.10 Costs of personnel, police equipment, and defence of
the concession／108
Table 2.11 Infringements of municipal regulations
resulting in fines imposed directly
by the police／109
Table
2.12 Cost of hiring a policeman as a watchman／110
Table 3.1 The number of
European and Chinese policemen, 1871–1906／116
Table 3.2 French personnel,
1930–37／118
Table 3.3 Native province of the Chinese policemen／132
Table
3.4 Professions before entering into the police／134
Table 3.5 Salary scale
for French personnel of the Municipal Guards in 1920／142
Table 3.6 A
comparason of salary scales for French personnel of the Municipal Guards in
1934
and 1920／144
Table 3.7 Monthly salaries of policemen in
1913／145
Table 3.8 A comparison of monthly salaries of low-ranked policemen,
1911– 37／146
Table 3.9 Salaries of the Russian policemen, c.1934／147
Table
3.10 A Comparaison of salaries between the employees of Public Works and the
Police
in 1930 and 1931／149
Table 3.11 Monthly salaries in the SMP
and the Municipal Guards (1896)／151
Table 3.12 Salaries of Chinese policemen
in the Municipal Guards, 1897 and 1899／152
Table 3.13 A comparison of the
number of policemen in the two concessions of Shanghai／154
Table 3.14 Price
index for Shanghai workers／155
Table 3.15 Monthly salaries of Chinese and
French constables, 1926–37／156
Tables 3.16a, b, c Marriage statistics of
French policemen in 1942／165
Table 3.17 Comments for a promotion／173
Table
3.18 The exam of appointment／174
Table 3.19 Chief Sergeant Exam／174
Table
3.20 The technical police exam／175
Table 3.21 Exam for District Supervisor
diploma／176
Table 3.22 The years of service for 103 Chinese
policemen／183
Table 3.23 Reasons for leaving the police force／183
Table
3.24 Reasons for the Chinese policemen to leave the police in 1911／184
Table
3.25 List of fines on 9 November 1936／192
Table 4.1 Comparison of arrests and
condemnations of communists in the French Concession／219
Figures
Figure
1.1 Crime statistics in Shanghai’s French Concession, 1911–37／54
Figure
2.1 The structure of the police force in the 1930s／102
Figure 3.1 Range of
salaries in the hierarchy of the French Police in Shanghai in 1920／141
Figure
3.2 Salary index of Chinese and French constables／156
Figure 3.3 Police
sickness record (number of days absent)／163
Firstly,
and most importantly, I would like to thank my dissertation director: Mr.
Christian Henriot, for guiding me through my research. His trust, patience and
professional academic guidance has seen me through the last five years, whenever
and wherever I needed his help. He pushed me ahead whenever I lost courage, when
I was lost amongst the numerous archives and written work, and when I was beset
with family issues and academic problems. He is one of the most responsible and
the best professors that I have ever met, and I am very grateful to him for
being such a good and kind dissertation director.
I would also like
to thank Mr. Xu Jilin, co-director of my dissertation, for his encouragement and
support during the years. Without his help, I could not have completed this
research.
My sincere thanks also go to the archivists in the
Diplomatic Archives of Paris and Nantes, Shanghai Municipal Archives, Service
Historique de la Défense, and Archives Nationales d’outre-mer, for helping me to
search the catalogues and for delivering the archives, which formed the basis of
my research.
I’d like to thank Madame Feng Yi, Madame Zhang Yu, Mr.
Fran.ois Guillemot, and MadameYamamoto Miyuki for helping me so much during my
stay in the Institut d’Asie Oriental. I would also like to thank Clémence
Andréys for helping me read the handwritten French archives; Isabelle Durand for
making the beautiful maps in my dissertation; my dear friends Ni Xiaofang, Li
Na, Xiao Qi and Ni Xiaoju for letting me share their small rooms whenever I
stayed in Paris; and Dorothée Rihal, Lee Ju Ling, Sung Tzu-hsuan and Zhao
Weiqing for their encouragement and thoughtful discussion during my writing
process.
I would also like to thank the professors who helped a
great deal during my research: Madame Jiang Jin, Madame Christine Cornet, Madame
Xiaohong Xiao-Planes, Mr. Moullier Igor, Madame Marie Vogel, Mr. Jean-Marc
Berlière and Mr. Emmanuel Blanchard. Thanks also go to Divya Castelino for her
excellent copyediting. And, last, but not least, I would like to thank my
parents and husband for supporting me
unconditionally.
Abstract
Shanghai,
a treaty port open to foreigners after the Nanjing Treaty, has been the subject
for many studies not only for its abundant archives and research materials, but
also its important role as the economic centre of China and a unique
international platform where different cultures and political or social
practices met and interacted.
Due to the existence of three
different jurisdictions in the city (Chinese municipality, French Concession
& International Settlement) with each following an individual trajectory in
terms of institutional development, social regulation, and policing, Shanghai
constitutes a very interesting place to observe the processes-and tensions,
negotiations or compromises therein-that sustained the confrontation between
‘state’ and society, between competing ‘state’ powers, between China and
colonizing powers.
The police in the French Concession was a police
institution under the direct control of the French Consul in Shanghai. It was an
important force designed to protect French interests in Shanghai and in China.
It not only influenced modern Chinese politics but also played a significant
role in constructing the urban space and culture of Shanghai.
The
first chapter studies the legal bases of the police in the French Concession and
the special context of Shanghai. By analyzing the relevant articles of Treaty of
Nanjing, the Treaty of Whampoa, the Treaty of Tientsin, the Land Regulations and
Règlement d’organisation de la Concession Fran.aise, the book establishes that
the existence of police forces in the French Concession were not planned under
the basic articles that regulated the foreign settlements in China and that the
police came into existence at a time when Chinese local authorities were
paralyzed during the Taiping and Small Sword rebellions in the city. The police
came into being as a fait accompli. Shanghai witnessed rapid urbanization and
population growth along with industrialization at the beginning of the twentieth
century. As Shanghai became an important metropolis in China and beyond, many
problems arose, including the rise of criminality, which brought new challenges
to the police. The French police in Shanghai was also placed in the context of
the French imperial network, as Shanghai became the most important French asset
in China. Its police personnel came to be integrated with French colonial
personnel, technology and information flows.
The second chapter
concentrates on the evolution of police organization during the
firstthreedecades of the twentiethcentury. The Frenchpolicewentt hrough several
reforms under the leadership of Mallet, Fiori and Fabre, the three most
important police chiefs in the French Concession. Mallet’s reform laid down the
basic organization of the police, its militarization and the introduction of
Vietnamese soldiers into the force. His far-sighted establishment of judicial
identification in the Concession helped the French to synchronize with modern
police techniques. During W.W. I, as most French policemen were mobilized and
went back to Europe, the police went into a period of stagnation. The lack of
European policemen led to the rise of Chinese policemen within the force. Fiori
inherited this situation in 1919 and tried to take advantage of the Chinese
connections between the police and the organized crime, which led to the
controversial ‘pact with the devil’ and ultimately his forced departure in 1932.
However during his eleven years of service, he upgraded police organization to
cope with the new challenges in Shanghai and succeeded to reorganize the police
into a more professional force by 1930. His successor, Fabre, cleaned up the
‘bad’ elements of the police and made several adjustments on the basis of the
organization left by Fiori. The political functions and crime fighting abilities
of the police were reinforced. At the end of this process, the police of the
French Concession was fine and complex modern police force.
The
third chapter examines the policemen themselves. The police were composed of
officers from several nationalities, the four most important being French,
Russian, Chinese and Vietnamese. Through a comparative study of recruiting
conditions, training courses, salaries, welfare and job turnover, I establish
that the police was a hierarchal institution based on a differentiated treatment
according to race and nationality. The French policemen stood at the top of the
pyramid, with the least number of heads, but the most influential powers a s all
the superior officers, chiefs and deputy chiefs had to be French. The French
also enjoyed the best salaries and welfare conditions. The Russians were cheap
white labor forces compared to the French and other foreign policemen and
constituted the second highest class of the police. The Vietnamese and Chinese
policemen are at the bottom of the pyramid and constituted the majority of the
policemen in the Concession. The Vietnamese policemen were soldiers before
entering police service and their military qualities and discipline were brought
to the police defense abilities. They were also a double security to defend
French interests in Shanghai in case Chinese nationalism spread to the Chinese
policemen. The Chinese policemen were the lowest class in the police and enjoyed
the lowest level of salaries and welfare. They lost their jobs very easily and
their career as a policeman was quite short and unstable compared to the other
nationalities.
The fourth chapter studies the Political service.
From the 1920s to the 1930s, three historical currents swept over
China—nationalism, communism and Japanese expansionism. All these three forces
met in Shanghai and led up to the creation and development of the Political
Service of the French police force. In 1927, after the rupture of the Chinese
Communist Party and the Guomindang, the political police was formally instituted
as a specific police department. It was reformed in 1930 and 1932 not only to
take care of collecting information about the political, military, economic and
social dynamics in China, but also to make arrests and deal in exchange of
mutual interests. An agreement signed in 1914 with the Beiyang Government to
extradite and arrest the individuals suspected of political crimes or offences
helped the French Concession to obtain its last and largest territorial
expansion. Suppressing the activities of the Guomindang in the French Concession
at the request of local Chinese authorities in 1926 was a continuance of the
1914 agreement and a tactic for the French Concession to maintain good
relationships with the local powerholders. When the Guomindang came to power, a
close cooperation developed between the Chinese police and the police of two
foreign settlements to hunt down at an unprecedented pace the underground
communists. The Korean revolutionaries became a problem when the Japanese
authorities asked the authorities of French Concession to take actions against
them in 1925. The problem was solved to the advantage of Japan in exchange for
Japanese cooperation over the Vietnamese revolutionaries in Japan.
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